Bronislaw Malinowski was one of the first anthropologists to explore the topics of magic and religion while conducting fieldwork. Other researchers of the day, like Tylor, Frazer, and Levy-Bruhl, had philosophized and theorized as to the function and origins of these esoteric subjects, but before Malinowski, none had tested their hypotheses in the field. This gave Malinowski certain insights missed by his predecessors regarding the role of magic and religion in society. In addition, his research helped define the roles of science and myth in both simple and complex societies.

In The Role of Magic and Religion, written by Bronislaw Malinowski in 1931, Malinowski (1931: 108) claims that "magic is to be expected and generally to be found whenever man comes to an unbridgeable gap, a hiatus in his knowledge or in his powers of practical control, and yet has to continue in his pursuit." On the other hand, religion is "born not out of speculation or reflection...but rather out of the real tragedies of human life, out of the conflict between human plans and realities" (Malinowski 1931: 111). There is a marked difference between the two concepts, and contrary to other anthropological analyses, magic and religion are not simply sequences on an evolutionary model, but functional mechanisms filling valuable social needs.

According to Malinowski, magic and knowledge have an intimate relationship with one another. All societies have a level of empirical knowledge about the world. For example, all populations are aware that a sharp, piercing object (i.e., an arrow or spear), if thrown with sufficient force, will kill wild game. Another example is that nearly all cultures are aware that a seed, if planted and watered, will sprout. This is knowledge of the natural world, and this knowledge lays the foundation for science. Knowledge and/or science allows one to predict a likely outcome, thus allowing for organization and integration of human activities, many of which are crucial for survival. However, despite the human‰Ûªs ability to predict a likely outcome, there are variables involved. The arrow might not kill the game if it does not impact directly. Likewise, the seed may not sprout if there is excessive cloud cover. Unforeseen circumstances can occur to stem the best laid plans. Although certain strong potentials can be predicted, they remain potentials and are subject to change. It is from this reality that the role of magic emerges.

Complex societies are more adept at solving unforeseen problems using technology, whereas simple societies resort to magic. For example, a modern society creates a greenhouse and/or hydroponic system to make up for poor agricultural conditions. In a simple society, the solution to the problem may be a rain dance. It is the unpredictability of nature, and its impact on survival, that give rise to magical solutions. Malinowski (1931: 104) believes that "magic is used as something which over and above man‰Ûªs equipment and his force helps him to master accident and to ensnare luck."

The practice of magic indicates that humans believe they can influence nature by supernatural means. It can therefore be inferred that humans see themselves in a special relationship with nature, whereas events are perceived as challenges and the human, a step above the natural world, can effect change via magic. According to Malinowski (1931: 108), "magic...is always conceived as something which does not reside in nature, that is, outside man, but in the relation between man and nature." For this reason, unforeseen events are often viewed as having deep meaning, especially to members of simple societies who are more subject to natural variables. In the same fashion, magic only applies to aspects of nature that directly affect humans. Natural systems irrelevant to human survival, like non-hunted animal migration routes, are never the focus of magic. Although magic exists in every society, both simple and complex, it does change its complexion. According to Malinowski, magic tends to be used more in the lower class of complex societies, whereas the upper class and intelligencia only lightheartedly practice magic. For example, throwing spilt salt over one's left shoulder to avoid bad luck is taken very seriously by the British lower class, while the upper class follows suit for traditional reasons only.

Even religious institutions use magic. For example, the Catholic Church condones praying to an religious idol for certain practical needs or wants. Malinowski sees the role of such idols as functionally "magic." In this sense, magic and religion differ in that magic has a practical, utilitarian function in achieving goals. On the other hand, religion "creates values and attains ends directly" (Malinowski 1931: 105).

Malinowski believes that the most common utilization of magic in any culture pertains to health. The vast array of prayers, blessings, herbal prescriptions, and traditional remedies can all be considered magical. However, many of these practices do serve a psychologically beneficial func tion. It is often difficult to separate common sense or practical medicine from magic.

Magic is almost never associated with domestic activities, no matter their importance to social maintenance. For example, although fire making and basketry are crucial for the proper functioning of a group, they are never related to magic. Yet, these same functional activities might be the centers of religious beliefs or mythologies. Some magic is mandatory for certain social events. For important community activities, like warfare or hunting, the performance of a magical rite is frequently a requirement to strengthen social and psychological cohesion. In other events, like fishing, magic might only be employed if the prospective catch is dangerous or unpredictable. Additionally, in many simple societies, the practice of magic is so traditionally embedded that the separation of science and magic is obscure. The employment of the magic act is nearly as predetermined as the scientific prediction.

Malinowski believes that the character of the magician is also linked to the supernatural. Many times the witch doctor, medicine man, sorcerer, or shaman is an eccentric personality of great intelligence; displaying odd characteristics that make their role in society all the more convincing. If the magician is additionally supported by a tribal leader or powerful member of community, it further strengthens his/her authority within the group. In turn, this supports social cohesion, organization, and security by providing a figure of supernatural power within the population. This individual provides the magic necessary for practical activities while making sense of the magic through mythology. The magician may also be involved in the legal and moral matters associated with the practical activities they maintain. Some forms of magic might even be institutionalized and/or specialized.

Myths and traditions provide the explanations for the origins of a magical rite. They reveal the historical accounts of past supernatural events. These events explain the circumstances surrounding the current dilemma. The continual reiteration and support of a mythos serves to strengthen the role of magic within the society. In this way, magic is "constantly harking back to myth" (Malinowski 1931: 108), and is not the result of empirical experience like science. In simpler terms, an important function of mythology within a social group is to outline a moral, economic, artistic, and religious framework, as well as to validate magic.

Malinowski's discussion of magic is extensive and varied, but his discourse on religion is one of brevity. According to Malinowski (1931: 110), "the place of religion must be considered in the scheme of culture as a complex satisfaction of highly derived needs." That is to say, the main source for the development of religion is the foreknowledge of death and the need to explain as well as justify it in acceptable terms.

Where one finds kin groups, one finds religion. All communities and societies are composed of associated kin groups. Kin groups exist in a reciprocal manner, exchanging both emotional and utilitarianistic support--necessities for survival. The glue that binds the kin group are sentiments for one another. When unforeseen death separates kin groups and/or communities, their emotions are traumatized and people seek answers to explain and justify the tragedies. The answers that are developed on a soci etal level for such events create the foundations of religion. According to Malinowski (1931: 111), "the existence of strong personal attachment and the fact that death, which of all human events is the most upsetting and disorganizing to man's calculations, are perhaps the main sources of religious belief."

Arising universally from this phenomena is the concept of immortality. Malinowski (1931: 111) believes "the affirmation that death is not real, that man has a soul and that this is immortal, arises out of a deep need to deny personal destruction, a need which is not a psychological instinct but is determined by culture, by cooperation and by the growth of human sentiments." In other words, the coping mechanism for dealing with the emotional impact of one's death is the belief in immortality, which is institutionalized by the collective. Hence, a form of religion is born.

The belief in immortality accounts for the origin of animism, ancestor worship, cults, mortuary ritual and religion. According to Malinowski, such belief systems have relied on a community for creation, but are maintained by the needs of the individual. Similar to the relationship between mythology and magic, publicly practiced religious acts and traditional religious dogma support human cohesion and strengthen communal bonds. "Religion in its ethics sanctifies human life and conduct and becomes perhaps the most powerful force of social control" (Malinowski 1931: 112).

Malinowski's discussion of magic and religion is thorough and insightful. I have identified only two areas of contention. First, Malinowski claims that magic and religion differ in that magic has a practical, utilitarian function in achieving goals. On the other hand, he says that religion "creates values and attains ends directly" (Malinowski 1931: 105). An example he might use is prayer. Malinowski would consider prayer as a magical practice within the confines of a religion. However, I find it difficult to separate prayer from the context of its religion. A complex association of ideas and beliefs lay the basis for the act of prayer. Prayer follows physical, psychological, and traditional systems that are intimately related to a religious doctrine. It is my opinion that prayer cannot be so easily classified and that the act is relative to its religious context. In this same way, many similar activities tied to religions cannot be separated and classified as magic.

My second bone of contention is regarding Malinowski's assertion that "the affirmation that death is not real, that man has a soul and that this is immortal, arises out of a deep need to deny personal destruction, a need which is not a psychological instinct but is determined by culture, by cooperation and by the growth of human sentiments" (Malinowski 1931: 111). As we have seen before, Malinowski does not see the human need to believe in immortality as instinctual, but as the manifestation of a cultural survival mechanism. But, one might argue that culture itself is instinctual, and therefore the essential criteria that defines culture, like the existence of a shared belief system, also exists as a psychological instinct. Do humans psychologically exist beyond the scope of a culture? Some would argue that one cannot separate the human animal from culture. Additionally, the fear of death and/or the will to live are instinctual components of humans beings. In turn, the universal coping mechanism for these instincts, like the shared belief in immortality, can be viewed as psychologically instinctual. I believe these questions need further exploration.

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